Gillian Weiss, INTERNET:gweiss@arts.adelaide.edu.au DATE: 9/15/96 7:50 PM
GILLIAN WEISS
B.A.(Hons.), University Of Adelaide, 1976
M.A.(Ed.), University Of British Columbia, 1979
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL
FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
Department Of Social And Educational Studies
We accept this thesis as
conforming
to the required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
November 1983
Gillian Weiss, 1983
In the thirty years prior to 1910, an active minority of women, not only in British Columbia, but across Canada and in Britain and the United States, had increasingly used their organizations to move outside the traditional sphere of home and family and into a more public and political role. Concurrently, they developed and propounded a philosophy to support this move into public life. It was based on the notion of woman's traditional function of physical, emotional and spiritual nurture, but was widened to include not just the individual home but the entire community. Maternal feminists, as these women have recently been termed, were determined to use and extend their womanly skills and influence throughout society for what they perceived to be the betterment of all.
By 1910, maternal feminist ideology had developed to a point where promotion of its tenets was no longer the major goal of organized clubwomen. These women now turned to convincing society that their role was not simply as auxiliary workers in reform but as full partners; not helpers dispensing charity to those in need but as influencing the working of society in much broader and deeper ways. In the eighteen years to 1928, their attention was concentrated on attempts to extend their citizenship powers, to gain both the right and the opportunity to influence legislation that would in turn convert the goals of maternal feminism into reality.
In this they achieved a considerable amount of success. The winning of suffrage was followed by a spate of legislation that gave women greater control over their own lives and those of their chidren, more personal and financial autonomy within marriage, that affected their treatment in the work world and that provided health and support for themselves and their children in times of need. They also worked hard at educating themselves and their non-organized sisters in parliamentary procedure, public speaking and current events in order that they might have the skill and confidence to adequately play the more public role that they envisioned for themselves. But within a few years of gaining the legislation they sought the organizational momentum that had been building since the last decades of the previous century died away and clubwomen were left without any clearcut goals to pursue and in a state of confusion as to why they found themselves in such a position.
This thesis examines six Vancouver women's organizations which played a leading role in the quest for reform in British Columbia in the years from 1910 to 1928. It considers the structure and operational methods of each as well as their specific reform goals, with particular reference to mothers' pensions and minimum wage legislation. It clarifies the image and aspirations that Vancouver clubwomen had of and for themselves in their dual roles as women and as citizens. It examines in some detail the characteristics of rank and file clubmembers as well as a core of thirtythree women who are identified as forming a network of leadership within and between the five organisations during the period 1910-1928.
Abstract
............................................ii
List of Tables .............................vi
List of
Figures....................................vii
List of Abbreviations
..........................................viii
BRITISH COLUMBIA .............................................1
2."AN INVESTMENT IN CIVIC WELFARE": VANCOUVER
WOMEN'S CLUBS, 19l0-1928
..........................35
3."WOMANHOOD AND CITIZENSHIP": VANCOUVER
WOMEN'SPERCEPTIONS OF THEIR ROLE.
........................105
4."DECISIVE ACTION AND NOT EMPTY PROMISES":
WOMEN
AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION 1910-28.
...................l52
5 "THE SACREDNESS OF MOTHERHOOD": MOTHERS'
PENSIONS LEGISLATION, 1919-25
...............................207
6 "THE BRIGHTEST WOMEN OF OUR LAND":
CHARACTERISTICS
OF VANCOUVER CLUBWOMEN"
............................243
7."DRESSED UP WITH NO PLACE TO GO"?: THE SUCCESS ANDFAILURE OF THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY WOMEN'S MOVEMENT .............279
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....296
APPENDIX A: NCWC WOMEN'S PLATFORM 1920 ..................314
APPENDIX B: MARY ELLEN SMITH'S PLATFORM 191~
APPENDIX C: OCCUPATIONAL CLASSIFICATIONS ................319
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