Disputed Elections: An American Tradition
By Holly Brewer and Laurie Burnham History News
Service
Some political analysts claim that without quick
resolution of the current presidential election, Americans
will lose all faith in the electoral process. But why rush
to judgment?
The historical record shows that earlier generations,
including the Founding Fathers, believed that it is not
haste but the careful counting and analysis of votes that
sustains political freedom. A free society must always allow
its citizens the right to reasonable objection and redress
in cases of illegitimate electoral procedures.
Throughout U.S. history, legislators have decreed that
several months must stand between a president's election and
inauguration. During this time, votes can be counted,
results recorded and disseminated, and any procedural
problems addressed. Now, with two months until the
inauguration of our 44th president, our nation has no need
to rush the electoral process. In a world of instant
gratification, we may want answers right away, but fairness
is more important than haste.
For more than 200 years, elections in America have been
routinely disputed, a practice that protects the will of the
people. It is the only insurance that citizens' intent is
met.
As members of Virginia's lower House of Assembly, George
Washington and Thomas Jefferson themselves "intervened" in
many disputed elections. During the eighteenth century,
resolving contested elections was normally the first order
of business in every new term, both in Virginia and in other
colonies and states. Lawmakers would hear a county's claims
and then decide whether an election needed to be examined
more closely or nullified and redone.
Indeed, the historical record is full of cases in which
votes were resurveyed, confusing ballots reviewed, elections
nullified, and voters recanvassed. Even a cursory look at
legal reports from the nineteenth century reveals thousands
of pages devoted to contested elections.
When elections were questioned, common sense, rather than
adherence to technicality, prevailed. Long before punch
cards and other modern balloting methods became available,
voters wrote candidates' names on slips of paper.
Misspellings and wrong initials of first names and last
names were commonplace. Rather than throw out the ballots,
as electoral judges in Florida have recently done, judges
ruled that voters' intent had to be determined whenever
possible.
Consider this report from Connecticut in 1878. "Votes
cast at an election for A.J.W. may be shown to have been
intended for A.L.W. The fact that A.L.W. was a candidate and
received a large number of votes, and that no person of the
name of A.J.W. or of the same first and last names, without
the middle initial, resided in the district, would be
satisfactory evidence to show that the votes must have been
intended for A.L.W." The judge considered voters' intent
rather than nullifying their votes.
In Iowa in 1877, judges ruled that "in reviewing an
election and determining its validity, the court must, if
possible, give to contested ballots such a construction as
will make them valid."
How do these cases relate to the current presidential
election? Fully 19,000 voters in Florida's Palm Beach County
had their votes disqualified because they punched two
choices when selecting a presidential candidate. Although
the voters are guilty of technical error, the ballot was
misleading. It had punch holes next to the names of both
Democratic candidates, for president and vice President.
According to precinct workers, many voters who found the
ballot confusing were denied assistance. And at least one
voter who mistakenly voted for Buchanan was refused a new
ballot, contrary to electoral law. Thousands of other
ballots with incomplete punches have not been counted
because the tabulating machine couldn't read them.
According to the machine results, 11,000 people who cast
ballots in Palm Beach voted for no one for President.
Clearly the electoral process in West Palm Beach
malfunctioned. With political pressure for a solution
mounting, how might this epic dispute be best resolved? To
answer that question, we need to ask how our nation's
founders would have reacted. One can only suppose that they
would assign twenty-first century voters at least the same
rights held by voters in earlier centuries.
The time has come for both political parties to embrace
the well-established tradition of electoral redress and to
show respect for the voter by honoring intent. A first step
would be an accurate manual recount in the presence of both
partial and impartial witnesses. This would help to clarify
the intent of some 30,000 voters and help to restore
America's faith in the electoral process.
A second option, also supported by historical precedent,
would be to give all who voted in that county the chance to
recast their ballots (quickly and without advertising or
interference). That would be the fairest option, since it
would provide the best gauge of their intent.
If all votes statewide need to be recounted by hand for
consistency, so be it. And if votes in Wisconsin and Iowa
need to be recounted, so be it. Neither Washington, nor
Jefferson, would have found that requirement objectionable.
They would have objected, however, to any candidate who
sought the presidency at the expense of the legitimacy and
integrity of the democratic process.
Holly Brewer teaches history at North Carolina State
University. Laurie Burnham is a writer in St. Paul, Minn.
[Holly Brewer, Department of History, Box 8108, North
Carolina State University, Raleigh, NC 27695-8108.
Telephone: (919) 832-7638; fax: (919) 515-3886 (call phone
number above before sending); e-mail: holly_brewer@ncsu.edu.
Laurie Burnham, 1065 Fairmount Ave., St. Paul, MN 55105.
Telephone: (651) 227-1722; fax: (651) 292-1136; email: lburnham@igc.org.]
History News Service
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This article was posted on November 15, 2000.
Pictured at top (left to right): Niccolo
Machiavelli, King Louis XIV of France, Abraham Lincoln,
Clarence Darrow and William Jennings Bryan at the Scopes
Monkey Trial, Margaret Thatcher.
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